The Assembly and Components of the Boeing 727 Essay

Objectives: There are thousands of jobs performed on the Queen of the sky, the Boeing 747 also called as the jumbo jet, for its final assembly. 747 is an advanced long range airliner, it is a product of complex, demanding collaborative design process. 747 is an icon of the modern age. It is the longest airliner in the world. This system is comprised of components which are complex, independent and interacts to achieve a common goal. Introduction: The birth of the Jumbo jet in the late 1960’s heralded the modern intercontinental mass transportation. It represents the impressive results of an intensive engineering, design process and also the spirit of its era, a time when belief in progress, including access to air travel, was a phenomenal†¦show more content†¦A number of other governments also use 747 as a VIP transport. Military and security: YAL-1, C-33, Evergreen 747, 747 CMCA supertanker are military versions of 747. YAL-1, C-33, Evergreen 747, 747 CMCA supertanker are military versions of 747. Scientific: SOFIA (Stratospheric Observatory for Infrared Astronomy) is used in the joint venture of NASA and DLR for scientific research. Commercial: There are a number of airliners dealing with Boeing 747 commercially for transporting passengers across the world like a) Pan Am, b) Qantas Freight, c) Air China, d) Air France, e) Lufthansa, f) Air Atlantic, g) Air India, h) All Nippon Airways, i) Kenya airways, j) Asiana Airlines, k) Korean Airlines, l) Cargolux, m) Fly Emirates, n) Singapore Airlines, o) EVA Air, p) Thai Airways, q) Etihad Airways, r) British Airways, s) Atlas Air, t) Kalitta Air, u) Southern Air. Context Diagram: Interface Matrix: Systems and Sub-systems: Fuselage: †¢ AC †¢ Entertainment †¢ Seating Arrangement †¢ Audio †¢ Video †¢ Telephone †¢ Cargo †¢ Lights †¢ Dining †¢ Rest Room Propulsion: †¢ Propeller †¢ Thrust †¢ Air Lift Flight Control †¢ Main Panel †¢ Overhead Panel †¢ Pedestal †¢ AFT Isle Stand †¢ Flight Management Computer †¢ Sensors Safety: †¢ Emergency Exit †¢ Life Vest †¢ First Aid †¢ Seat Belt †¢ Oxygen Mask Electrical: †¢ Generators †¢ Wiring †¢ Loads Navigation: †¢ High Freq Radar †¢ Communication †¢ Weather Condition †¢ Altitude †¢Show MoreRelatedThe Result of Boeing 777 Project Case Study2878 Words   |  12 PagesBOEING CASE STUDY Studied by: Abdul Qureshi Durgesh Patel Kunal Sanghvi Executive Summary: Boeing has changed in every way in the past couple of decades and it is now one of the most successful aircraft companies in the world. The company leads the industry with technology and innovation. 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Speech as Xerxes Free Essays

Greetings, subjects. My reign was sufficient and completely beneficial to the Persian society, I deserve this power as even Herodetus the Greek writer said with â€Å"among all these immense numbers there was not a man who, for stature and noble bearing, was more worthy than Xerxes to wield so vast a power. I deserved to take the throne, and it was Ahuramazda’s will. We will write a custom essay sample on Speech as Xerxes or any similar topic only for you Order Now Other sons of Darius there were, but thus unto Ahura-Mazda was the desire – Darius my father made me the greatest after himself.When my father Darius went away from the throne, by the will of Ahura-Mazda I became king on my fathers throne. I am of royal decent and Achmaenid blood runs through me as I am Xerxes, the great king, king of kings, king of lands, containing many men, king in this great earth far and wide, son of Darius the king, an Achaemenid, a Persian, son of the Persian, an Aryan, of Aryan seed. I have legitimate reason to access the throne. Greek writers have depicted me as an impetuous, arrogant and sadistic madman.But this is the view of a Greek, not only are the Greeks inferior to me but they are also not going to give an accurate description, and are of course going to be bias. I destroyed parts of their beloved homeland so their views of me can be somewhat inaccurate because of their anger towards me. Greek writers have spoken of me as having negative aspects, but my inscriptions throughout my kingdom say otherwise as I take the good virtues that have been bestowed upon me by Ahura-Mazda. I took care of the revolts in both Egypt and Babylonia swiftly and successfully, with proper actions undertaken to teach the inhabitants a lesson. Egypt lost the privilige of self-government and local autonomy, and even though the Babylonians revolted twice because the first punishment wasn’t as harsh, the second time they revolted they lost their Gods and in effect this stopped the revolts in the future. Greek writers described my actions towards the revolts as trying to crush their religions without thought, but they failed to mention that it is general practice of rulers in dealing with rebellious countries to destroy sanctuaries.As said in an inscription in Persepolis, when my father Darius went away from the throne, I became king on his throne by the grace of Ahuramazda. After I became king, I finished what had been done by my father, and I added other works. The palace through my building program became twice as big as it was in Darius’s reign, there was an innovative design shown in Persepolis with the staircases for example. The palace was not a permenant residentual place, but rather an administrative cen tre and focus for religious ritual with there also being inscriptions that give details of religion.For the war on Greece, the correct decision was made that they must be punished for their assistance in the Ionians revolt so I made preperations for invasion over 4 years. First I decided to take diplomatic measures, so I sent out envoys to demand earth and water from the Greeks. But because Athens and Sparta were my target, I decided best not to ask for their submission but to just punish them and lay the assault on them. I demanded for my subjects of the provinces to send men for the army I was sending, this army was the largest in recorded history said by Herodetus and further determined by modern historians.I decided that the soldiers of my army needed easier movement, so there was a bridge at Hellespont built over the years in preperation. There was the matter of supplies and food for the many warriors that would travel to Greece, so supply depots were set up for easy access of supplies while travelling or waiting. I then entrusted the Egyptians with the task to make the materials to build a bridge across the Strymon River, the bridge was close to the supply depot at Eion. My father previously sent his ships to Greece unaware of the weather condi tions, this resulted in a storm sinking the ships. I learnt from this mistake and built a canal at Mt Athos so the Persian ships could safely pass through. The attack on Greece began at Thermopylae and the cowards hid in the mountains not willing to fight with honor. It was then by the will of Ahura-Mazda that a Greek called Ephialtes came to me and spoke of a mountain pass that allowed us to surround the Greeks and crush their inferior soldiers, Herodetus told the story of the Battle of Thermopylae. After this victory I was then deceived by a Greek who told me that the Greeks were leeing, so the fleet was sent to Salamis and was ambushed unfairly. It was at this defeat I thought it best to retreat and protect the bridges which was the smarter decision in the situation, after this decision was made I left Mardonius in command of the forces and returned to Persia. To carry out my father’s legacy I inherrited his foreign policy in which I was expected to further expand the Persian empire. The three things I was required to do th rough the foreign policy was to punish the Greeks, further expand empire the and to gain personal glory as my predecessors had done. Through the Greek campaign I accomplished the task that was inherrited, I punished the Athenians and burnt their city so my real goal was achieved, I also further expanded the empire to the East with the addition of provinces such as Thrace and Macedonia and I also added territory in the most distant Eastern provinces. Through the building program personal glory was in an obvious way achieved, and the palace in Perespolis showed this and left an impression even after my reign finished. It was also said by J.L O’Neil that I wasn’t interested in military affairs and preferred building activities. Religious policy was properly taken out, as said in an inscription written by myself is that I copied the religion of my father Darius who recognised Ahuramazda as the supreme creator or God. More importantly, I recognise that I was king through the favor of Ahuramazda which was also said in an inscription. Doing this made religion an important political dimension and through thi s I was an instrument of Ahura-Mazda. I strengthened the religion shown in the â€Å"daeva† inscription which eliminated other Gods and made the â€Å"demon† Gods no longer worshipped. I was successful in what was expected of me as a Persian ruler, I demonstrated that I was fit to rule the empire and I continued my fathers legacy. Inscriptions throughout Persia said that even after the retreat from Greece my subjects still respected me and thought of me as a great king, showing that the loss did not damage Persian society. How to cite Speech as Xerxes, Papers

Law Paper free essay sample

Alexis Lee Aliyah Johnson Aaron Clark Govt. Mock Trial Kahn vs. Kahn Opening Statement On December 8, 2011 the court will be hearing the case between former Mrs. Karmia Kahn and her ex-husband, Mr. Kahn. Petitioner Karmia Kahn reported two complaints of domestic violence in January; once on the 2nd and another on the 5th. They separated January 5th, 1995. Karmia is 28 years old and Keith is 45. Karmia filed for divorce after her husband became more and more abusive. Keith allegedly came to the point that he didn’t need much of a reason to ‘discipline’ Karmia. Karmia implies that Keith beat her once because she lost $200, another time because she ruined his favorite sweater, and again for denting their brand new car. They have been married for 10 years and have three children; two sons and a girl. Karmia noticed that Keith had excessively exercised Togerian faith when his slaps got more violent and more frequently. We will write a custom essay sample on Law Paper or any similar topic specifically for you Do Not WasteYour Time HIRE WRITER Only 13.90 / page Karmia’s awareness sparked when she went to discipline her son, Michael, and he responded by slapping her back. Karmia knew that Michael had got the idea from his dad, Keith and thought slapping his mother was alright to do. Fearing for her life after being beaten, bruised, kicked and stomped, Karmia fled to a nearby friend, Terry who openly welcome Karmia while she gathered her thoughts and cleaned up. After telling Karmia he would destroy her in Togerian language, Karmia knew it was time to go. Nearby neighbors heard the commotion and called the police. Officer Chris Williams arrived and suggested options for Karmia and her children. She filed a Civil Protection Order and Officer Williams brought her and her children safely to her mother’s home. Our goal in this trial is to prove Karmia’s innocence and Keith’s guilt of two counts of domestic violence. Keith is a man or rage and he’s obsessed with feeling superior. He longs for authority and uses his religious beliefs as a reason to justify the beatings of his wife. According to witness, Terry Sellers, Karmia is no more than Keith’s slave. Terry even remembers seeing a bruise on Karmia’s eye in May of 1994. Terry encouraged Karmia to set forth to reach her own goals and dreams; to seek independence! Keith said that Togerian woman working was a sign or a mocking that the husband had failed his family and could not provide for his household. This outraged Keith making him more violent. Keith has a problem of violently expressing his emotions. He does not consult and console but beats and abuses! Keith disapproved Terry and Karmia’s friendship for to him, Terry’s ‘encouragements’ were outside of their customs. When Karmia refused to withdraw from seeing Terry, the problems escalated leading to more abuse and more wounds, thus, destroying the Khan’s marriage! Karmia is no more than a victim of domestic violence, experienced officer; Chris Williams said she had the entire behavioral characteristic consistent with an abused woman. He persuaded her to press charges on Keith; Officer Williams could see Karmia blamed herself for everything that had happened; these were more signs that Karmia had been domestically beaten for quite some time and basically bowed down to her husband! It’s clear to see that Keith is violent and has uncontrollable anger. All the evidence points to Keith and signals his habits with red lights. Although in denial of all misconducts, it can rightfully be proven that Keith abused his faith and beat his wife for his own sick and degraded reasons.

Woman In 19th Century By Fuller Essays -

Woman In 19th Century By Fuller In her essay Woman in the Nineteenth Century, Margaret Fuller discusses the state of marriage in America during the 1800?s. She is a victim of her own knowledge, and is literally considered ugly because of her wisdom. She feels that if certain stereotypes can be broken down, women can have the respect of men intellectually, physically, and emotionally. She explains why some of the inequalities exist in marriages around her. Fuller feels that once women are accepted as equals, men and women will be able achieve a true love not yet know to the people of the world. Fuller personifies what is wrong with the thoughts of people in nineteenth century society. She is a well-educated, attractive woman and yet, in America she is considered unmarriageable because of the unintended intimidation her knowledge brings forth. She can't understand why men would not want to find a woman with whom they can carry on an intelligent, meaningful conversation and still be physically attracted to. She knows that once this inferiority complex is gotten past, women will start to excel in all different fields. My interpretation is that Fuller feels if women are educated and skilled then they will be able to take care of themselves until the right man comes along. Their discretion will be tenfold, and they will be able to wait for the proverbial ?Mr. Right?. Fuller gives three wonderful examples of how equality gets broken down in a marriage. The first is the ?household partnership?(42), where the man goes off to work and makes a living to support the family, and the woman stays home barefoot and pregnant, takes care of the children and tends to the house. There is a mutual admiration between the husband and wife because they both keep up their end of the bargain. But there is no love built into this relationship. Couples like this are merely supplementing each other's existence, he by working to support her, and her by cooking and cleaning for him. When she states ?this relation is good, as far as it goes?(42), Fuller implies that women are settling for the sake of settling. In the nineteenth century there was a stigma attached to any woman in her twenties who was not yet married. Fuller questions why two people would settle for each other when there are so many people with different things to offer each other. I think that marriage is sacred to her, not in a religious sense, but in a moral and intellectual sense. She feels that people who are to be wed should be able to look at each other and state ?this is the person I will share the rest of my life with?, and with that, they should be perfectly happy. When she looks around America that is not what she sees. The second example Fuller gives is of ?idolatry?(42). By this example she means the people who get lost in the physical beauty of one another. They think they love one another, but they are actually lusting after one another. They can think of nothing but each other, nothing else seems to matter to them, and they don't care what others think because they know they are in love. The relationship is as superficial as the people involved in it. But as Fuller infers, in a relationship such as this, the looks will begin to fade and the feelings will be sure to follow. Because the relationship was formed solely on the basis of looks, the marriage will have nothing to fall back on. We must remember that this is not the year two thousand, where divorce is as common as marriage itself. When they said ?till death do us part? in the nineteenth century, they meant it. In the end of this example says Fuller, the woman will look at the man as ?an effeminate boy?, and he will see her as ?an unlovely syren?(42). In the long run, she will not respect him as a man, because she considers him a ?pretty boy?, and he will not respect her for using her looks to dupe him into marrying her. They will resent each other for the rest of their lives. They will live out their days saying ?I should have done this? or ?I should have done that?. Fuller would rather never marry than end up in a relationship like this. The third example of the breakdown of equality is in the relationship of ?intellectual companionship?(42). Fuller explains that this

Impact of Telecommuting on Workers, Employers, and Society

Impact of Telecommuting on Workers, Employers, and Society Impact of Telecommuting on Workers, Employers, and SocietyEddie HillUniversity of PhoenixDr. Baji DanielsOctober 18, 2003AbstractTelecommuting is a growing trend, not only in the United States, but also around the world. This trend towards telecommuting is affecting workers, employees, society, and technological needs and products. As popularity expands, people are becoming increasingly aware of the pros and cons associated with this style of work. Legal concerns regarding telecommuting are coming to the forefront of the employment sector's attention, as more and more organizations and employees consider the option of the telecommuting. As the number of telecommuter is likely to continue to increase over the coming years, it is important to understand its impact on the various aspects of our lives.Impact of Telecommuting on Workers, Employers, and SocietyJack Nilles is credited with coining the terms "telecommuting" and "teleworking", in 1973, during the first documented pilot- telec ommuting- project with a major national insurance company (JALA).English: Empire, LA, December 7, 2005 - Air qualit...The terms "telework" and "telecommuting" are often used interchangeably to mean any official work that is being conducted away from an employee's official duty station and at some alternate work site, regardless of whether that location is a home office or some other form of a telework center. Many prefer the word "telework", as it appears to be a more accurate description of the concept. The "tele" prefix means "distance," so the "telework" combination would refer to "work at a distance." The "telework" advocates also believe that the term "telecommuting" has too strong a connotation about the commuting aspect, and that "telework" is a broader and more inclusive terms (Gordon, 2002). Nevertheless, the more common term "telecommuting" will refer to work completed outside of a traditional office environment.One distinction important to note would be that telecommuting relates the utilization...

Say What You Mean

Say What You Mean Say What You Mean Say What You Mean By Michael One of the most influential teachers of writing was Rudolf Flesch. I encountered him through an out-of-print book called On Business Communications, formerly titled Say What You Mean. Only later did I discover that he also wrote the 1955 educational critique Why Johnny Cant Read. His other titles include The Art of Plain Talk, The Art of Readable Writing, How to Write Better you get the idea. Flesch practiced what he preached: everything Ive read by him was superbly readable, even entertaining. Throughout most of On Business Communications, Flesch fights a battle against business and government communication that is formal for its own sake, neglecting the very purpose of communication, which is to say something. We all tend to write the way we think were expected to write, instead of pondering the best way to meet our readers needs. Flesch fought the common belief that official writing must be boring or stuffy, or else nobody will respect it. The documents of the U.S. Social Security Administration became a little easier to read after they hired Rudolf Flesch as a consultant. Flesch was a pioneer of readability testing. His simple Flesch–Kincaid Readability Tests are still used by educators to assign appropriate grade levels to reading material. The more syllables in a word, the more words in a sentence, the more difficult an article is to read. You can test the readability of any web page against Fleschs formula at Juicy Studio. But readability goes beyond mathematical calculations. How a reader feels about an article influences whether he or she will understand it or even finish reading it. When people open a new book or magazine, they may subconsciously scan it to see if its reader-friendly. Do they see lots of periods? That means short sentences. Lots of white space? That may mean short paragraphs. Do they see exclamation points and question marks? That means that it isnt straight, routine exposition. A potential reader may subconsciously look for personal pronouns. That actually increases readability, because it suggests that the author is writing about people, and people are interesting. Does the book or article contain vocabulary that you wouldnt expect to see, such as the word puppy in a chemistry article? That suggests that it contains metaphors and analogies, which are easier to understand, and not just chemical formulas. Does it contain specific nouns at all? Seeing the word Weimaraner in an article gives me more hope of an interesting read than dog or animal. Flesch taught the importance of personality and personal connection in writing. A reader is not merely a customer, he or she is a human being like yourself, looking for reassurance and connection. We all want to hear, Im sorry about that, I know what you mean, I found the answer to your question, I solved your problem, and Thank you so much! Sentences like those appear all too rarely in business and government writing, and Flesch said there is no good reason why they shouldnt. Flesch had a special gift for helping to simplify legal language and theres a special reason for that. In one instance, he condensed a paragraph of gobbledy-gook into something like, These people have owed you $10,000 for two months. If they dont pay by next month, I think you should sue. Many clients might worry whether writing so simple can still be legally binding. Not to worry. Before he came to the United States, Rudolf Flesch was a lawyer in Vienna. You can find the book on Amazon.com Want to improve your English in five minutes a day? Get a subscription and start receiving our writing tips and exercises daily! Keep learning! Browse the Book Reviews category, check our popular posts, or choose a related post below:12 Signs and Symbols You Should Know50 Idioms About Roads and PathsHow Do You Fare?

Bibliography and Annotations Annotated Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words

And Annotations - Annotated Bibliography Example She studied the social organization of the Santee before 1892 and compared it to the community she came across in 1935. According to Landes, the Mdewakantonwan was grouped into seven to ten villages with about 50 to 400 people per village (220). They had strong corporate features economically and politically independent and owned plenty of land. This book helps people understand the socio-cultural organization of the Santee; thus giving a better understanding of their cultural perspective. This book written by Charles Eastman and Ernest Blumenschein in 1971, traces the life of Eastman growing up as a native Santee Sioux. He mainly talks of his life in Canada, where he had gone to exile after separating with his father and siblings during the Dakota war, in 1862. Eastman claims that during his childhood in Santee, children were trained through several ways such as narration of stories and myths by adults, games and sports, and spiritual and moral training among others (54). The learning that Eastman expresses from his childhood is not much different from the learning that takes place in the society today. This is a nonfictional book written by Roy Meyer in 1968. According to Meyer, the Santee is an American Indian group, which consists of four divisions of the eastern Dakota (199). They include the Sisseton, Mdewakanton, Wahpeton and Wahpekute. The Santee spoke the languages of the Siouan of eastern Dakota that is strongly related to the Lakota language spoken by the Teton, and Nakota, which is spoken by Yanktonai and Yankton. The Yanktonai, Yankton, and the Teton are the other three divisions of the Dakota. Meyer argues that the traditions of the Santee shows that they originated from the northeast, probably near the â€Å"Lake of the Woods†, but the expanding Ojibwa community forced them out of their homeland to the South and West (200). They rose against the Whites in 1892 under the little cow, but lost the war, as well as their remaining Land in

Ethics of Means and Ends Assignment Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words

Ethics of Means and Ends - Assignment Example I will not allow my personal life get into the way of my duties as I am needed to stay focused on resolving all problems by ensuring the means to an end is based entirely on the truth, honesty and moral values. I will enforce the law cautiously without fear or favor and never use unnecessary force or violence. Moreover, I will not accept gratitude and or gifts as these are not ethically just. Lastly, I would be a leader, stay focused, conduct myself soberly, honorable and obey superior officials within the departments. Ethical issues involved with balancing means and ends in the criminal justice field include eradicating such incidences like police brutality, corruption, abuse of power, changing testimonies, planting evidence just to mention but a few. As a criminal justice profession, I aim to look into these issues and scrap them off the force. This I intend to do by installing and or revising the code of ethics. It is imperative to know that an understanding of ethics is of the essence to competent decision-making by leaders in criminal justice system. EI am convicted that leadership in the criminal justice system is founded on pure ethical dynamics. As a leader in this system, I aim to be an excellent example to my subordinates, as well as preach on the just ethical

Health and Safety Essay Example for Free

Health and Safety Essay Explain how health and safety is monitored and maintained and how people in the work setting are made aware of risks and hazards and encouraged to work safely. In my placement we have a safeguarding policy but we don’t have a health and safety polices that I am aware of but the safeguarding polices is available on the schools website. Anyone is able to get on to the website and their policies. We have a sigh by the sink in the staff room say warning hot water and we have a sigh in the classrooms letting children and staff knows that the water in the tabs is drinking water we also have fire safety sign around the school. They always have meeting every month on health and safety but it is only for the main teachers. We have a fire drill twice a year so all the children and staff know where to go in case of a fire they had a fire drill last week which was good cause I did not know where to go if a fire happens so it help me cause now I know where to go if a fire happens. We always tell the children not talk to strangers and when the children are going home they are not allowed to leave an till the adults tell them that they can go cause we need to make sure that the right people are picking the children up and that they are not going off with strangers or with someone they are not meant to go home with.

Comparing Degradation in Crime and Punishment, the Possessed, and the Brothers Karamazov :: comparison compare contrast essays

How much disintegration can a culture endure before it reaches the point of irreversible decay? The degree of disintegration and destruction that our own culture has experienced is probably not yet fully known, but mid-to late-Nineteenth Century Russian culture is another matter. The vicious nature of the attacks upon the "old forms" of Russian culture, especially those waged by the Nihilists of the late 1860s, provides ample material for exploring this important question. Fortunately, for those anxious about the condition of our own culture, Fyodor M. Dostoevsky, "the most sagacious student of political economy in the Russia of the 1840s,"1 kept his hand to the pulse of Russia's intelligentsia. Dostoevsky's preoccupation with that same question is understandable given the exigencies of Russian life in his time. When, in l861, the "Tsar-Emancipator," Alexander II, liberated the serfs, pent-up forces for social change were unleashed. In Dostoevsky: The Stir of Liberation; 1860-65, 2 Joseph Frank notes: All the ideals on which previous Russian life had been founded were called into question; influential voices were heard proclaiming that an entirely new moral basis must be sought on which to construct human society. Russian culture thus entered an acute phase of crisis." According to Professor Frank, the scenario described above is the "indispensable context within which the works of Dostoevsky must be understood." Utopian Socialism, popular among the intelligentsia in the early l840s, was grounded in Christian social-moral ideals. By the mid-40s, however, the Christian elements were discounted and replaced with principles more consistent with Naturalism--science and reason. By the time Tsar Alexander II emancipated the serfs in l861, a new generation of liberals had evolved by following the tenets of scientific materialism. This new generation of Russian intelligentsia were radicals known as the raznochintsy. The raznochintsy differed from the Socialists of the l840s in two ways; they were more frustrated and more activist. The most frustrated and activist elements of theraznochintsy eventually broke with their counterparts--these were the Nihilists. The Nihilists were the focal point of Dostoevsky's later work and, for that matter, much of the social-cultural work of the late 1860s. Dostoevsky's three great novels, Crime and Punishment, the Possessed, and the Brothers Karamazov, represent a continuum. That is, in those works, Dostoevsky traces the degenerative effects on the Russian psyche of the doctrines of radical and Nihilistic idealogues by beginning with a psychoanalytic study of one solitary man and then chronicles the movement of that crisis from the intelligentsia outward to the masses.

Rethinking Anthropology – E. R. Leach

RETHINKING ANTHROPOLOGY LONDON SCHOOL OF ECONOMICS MONOGRAPHS ON SOCLL ANTHROPOLOGY Managing Editor: Anthony For^e The Monographs in on Social Anthropology were established modem The by 1940 and aim to publish results of anthropological research of primary interest to specialists. continuation of the series was made possible from the Wenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropological Research, and more recently by a further grant from the Governors of the London a grant in aid School of Economics and Political Science. re under the direction of an Board associated with the Department of Anthropology of the London School of Economics and Political Science. Editorial The Monographs LONDON SCHOOL OF ECONOMICS MONOGRAPHS ON SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY No. 22 Rethinking Anthropology by E. R. LEACH UNIVERSITY OF LONDON THE ATHLONE PRESS NEW YORK: HUMANITIES PRESS INC Published by THE ATHLONE PRESS UNIVERSITY OF LONDON at 2 Gotcer Street, Distributed by Tiptree London wci Book Services Ltd Tiptree, Essex F irst edition, 1961 First paperback edition with corrections, 1966 Reprinted, 1968, 1971 E. R. Leach, 1961, 1971 U. K. U. K. sB N o 485 19522 4 cloth sB N B o 485 19622 o paperback U. S. A. s N 391 00146 9 paperback First printed in 1961 by ROBERT CUNNINGHAM AND SONS LTD ALVA Reprinted by photo-litho by JOHN DICKENS & CO LTD NORTHAMPTON 4- M75†² Preface The title of this collection properly belongs only to the first essay. On 3 December 1959 1 had the honour to deliver the first Malinovvski Memorial Lecture at the London School of Economics. The Editorial Board of the London School of Economics Monographs in Social Anthropology enerously offered to publish the text of my lecture but added the flattering suggestion that I should reprint a number of my other essays at the same time. I have accordingly appropriated the title of my Malinowski lecture for the whole collection. I do not pretend wholly consistent with that The essays extend over a period of fifteen years and is that th e viewpoint of the latest (Chapter i) of the earliest (Chapter 2) but there is, I think, a certain continuity of theme and method in all of them. When they were first written all these essays were attempts to ‘rethink anthropology'.All are concerned with problems of others, I ‘theory' and are based on ethnographic facts recorded by my own contribution being primarily that of analyst. In each case have tried to reassess the known facts in the light of unorthodox assumpSuch heresy seems to me to have merit for its own sake. Unconventional arguments often turn out to be wrong but provided they provoke discussion they may still have lasting value. By that criterion each of the essays in this book is a possible candidate for attention. tions. Among social anthropologists the is game f building new theories on the ruins of old ones almost an occupational disease. Contemporary arguments in social anthropology are built out of formulae concocted by Malinowski, Radcliffe-Brown an d Levi-Strauss who in turn were only ‘rethinking' Rivers, Durkheim and Mauss, who borrowed from Morgan, McLennan and Robertson- Smith the total outcome of all — and so on. Sceptics may think that despite all this ratiocination adds up to very little; our pedagogical subtleties, the diversities of human custom remain as bewildering as ever. But that we admit.The contemporary social anthropologist is all too well aware that he knows much less than Frazer imagined that he knew for certain. But that perhaps is the point. The contributions to anthropological pedantry collected in this book add little to the sum of human knowledge but if they provoke some readers to doubt their sense of certainty then they will have served their purpose. A note on the interconnections between the different papers draft of Chapter 2 may prove still helpful. The first was written in 1943 while I was on VI PREFACE and still in direct contact with Jinghpaw speakers. ppeared in the 1945 volume of the J. R. A. I, this was not actually published until 1950. These details of dating are relevant because they explain why my paper contains no reference to Chapters 15 and i6 of Levi-Strauss, Les structures elementaires de la parente (1949) and reciprocally why the latter work ignores the new information provided by my paper. Chapter 3, which was originally a Curl Prize Essay, was completed in the spring of 195 1 and seems to have been the first English language commentar)' on Levi-Strauss's magnum opus though, presumably, my paper and J.P. B. de Josselin de Jong's monograph Levi-Strauss's Theory on Kinship and Marriage (1952) were going through the press at the same time. Although I here criticized Levi-Strauss on the grounds of ethnographical inaccuracy my sympathy with his general theoretical point of view is very great. Professor Levi-Strauss has himself noted the similarity between the view of ‘social structure' implicit in my first Jinghpaw paper (Chapter 2) and his own (Levi-Strauss, 1953, p. 525 n), and in all my subsequent publications my debt to Levi-Strauss is obvious.The relationship of Chapter 4 to earlier literature will be apparent from the references in the text. Although it was not intended to be controversial it provoked Dr Kathleen Gough into a vigorous reply (Gough, 1959). The crucial part of my argument here is that I emphasize the need to distinguish between affinity regarded as an alliance between corporate kin groups and those individual affinal ties which bind a particular wife to a particular husband. This theme recurs in Chapter 5 and again in active military service t Although Chapter i. Chapter 5, as indicated in the text, is linked with a long correspondence which appeared in the pages of Man in 1953 and 1954 but the response which it evoked from my close academic colleagues is only marginally connected with this earlier discussion. Dr Goody has denounced my whole argument as grounded in fundamental error (Goody, 1959, p. 86 ) and Professor Fortes has taken up most of two issues of Man to expound my fallacies and confusions (Fortes, 1959b).Both these explosions of academic wrath were provoked by a single sentence in my essay, namely ‘Thus Fortes, while recognizing that ties of affinity have comparable importance to ties of descent, disguises the former under his expression â€Å"complementary filiation† (see below p. 122). The exact sense in which this statement is an ‘error' is still not clear to me for in the course of his denunciation Fortes reaffirms his view that ‘complementary filiation is a function of affinal relations' (Fortes, 1959b, p. 209) which is precisely the argument I sought to controvert. ^ Professor Fortes has called his article *a rejoinder to Leach', and — readers of Chapter i of this book need to appreciate that ‘a among other things in it is intended as rejoinder to Fortes'. Reference to a short note Man (i960. Art. 6) will perhaps help to mak e this clear. The two short papers on time symbolism reprinted in Chapter 6 do PREFACE influence of Professor Levi-Strauss Vll not form a series with the other chapters of the book though again the is pronounced. Although my ‘Cronus and Chronos' appeared in print in 1953 while Levi-Strauss's ‘The Structural Study of Myth' was only published in 1956, I had in fact already heard Professor Levi-Strauss's lecture on this topic before I wrote my essay.Explorations, the Toronto University publication in which my Chapter 6 was originally published, carried on its fly leaf the statement that it was ‘designed, not as a permanent reference journal that embalms truth for posterity, but as a publication that explores and searches and questions' and both my papers are correspondingly brief and tentative. Nevertheless a number of my friends have suggested that the arguments they contain are of more than ephemeral interest; hence the reissue here^ Chapter i contains a considerabl e amount of matter which was not included in the spoken text of my Malinowski lecture. The other essays^ appear as originally printed, except for the correction of misprints, and one or two very minor alterations intended to clarify the argument. The Introductory Notes at the beginning of Chapters 2-6 are new. Acknowledgements I am indebted to the Council of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland for permission to reprint the essays published here as Chapters 2, 3, 4 and 5 and to Professor E. S. Carpenter and the University of Toronto for permission to reprint the two short essays included in Chapter 6.I am indebted to a personal grant in aid from the Behavioral Sciences Division of the Ford Foundation for facilities employed while preparing } * j] : -^ these papers for publication. E. R. L. Contents 1. RETHINKING ANTHROPOLOGY I 2. JINGHPAW KINSHIP TERMINOLOGY THE STRUCTURAL IMPLICATIONS OF MATRILATERAL CROSS-COUSIN MARRIAGE 28 3. 54 4. POLYANDRY, INHERITAN CE AND THE DEFINITION OF marriage: with PARTICULAR REFERENCE TO SINHALESE CUSTOMARY LAW ASPECTS OF BRIDEWEALTH AND MARRIAGE STABILITY IO5 5. AMONG THE KACHIN AND LAKHER 6. II4 TWOESSAYS CONCERNING THE SYMBOLIC REPRESENTATION OF TIME (i) 124 Cronus and Chronos, 124 (ii) Time and False Noses, 132 Rethinking Anthropology my arrogant title. Since 1930 British Anthropology has embodied a well defined set of ideas and -^objectives which derive directly from the teaching of Malinowski and Radcliffe-Brown this unity of aim is summed up in the statement that British social anthropology is functionalist and concerned with the comparative analysis of social structures. But during the last year or so it has begun to look as if this particular aim had worked itself out.Most of my colleagues are giving up the attempt to make comparative generalizations instead they have begun to write impeccably detailed historical ethno- tET Social me begin by explaining — graphies of particular peoples. I regret this new tendency for I still believe that the findings of anthro- pologists have general as well as particular implications, but functionalist doctrine ceased to carry conviction? why has the understand what is happening in social anthropology I believe we need to go right back to the beginning and rethink basic issues really elementary matters such as To — hat we mean by marriage or descent or the unity of difficult siblings, and that is — for basic concepts are basic; The the ideas one has about them are deeply entrenched and firmly held. One bias of the things we need to recognize is the strength of the empirical which Malinowski introduced into social anthropology and which essential core of social anthropology has stayed with us ever since. is understanding of the way of life of a single particular people. This fieldwork is an extremely personal traumatic kind of experience and the personal involvement of the anthropologist in his work is reflected in wh at he produces.When we read Malinowski we get the impression that he is stating something which is of general importance. Yet how can this be? He is simply writing about Trobriand Islanders. Somehow he has so assimilated himself into the Trobriand situation that he is able to make the Trobriands fieldwork a microcosm of the whole primitive world. successors; for Firth, Primitive citizen of —the And the same is true of his is Man is a Tikopian, for Fortes, he a Ghana. The existence of this prejudice has long been recognized / but we have paid inadequate attention to its consequences.The difficulty of achieving comparative generalizations is directly linked with the problem of escaping from ethnocentric bias. 2 RETHINKING ANTHROPOLOGY As is appropriate to an occasion I when we honour the memory of Bronislaw MaUnowski, am going to be thoroughly egotistical. I shall imply there my own is merit by condemning the work of in my closest friends. But purpose is to distinguish between two rather similar varieties of comparative generalization, both of which turn up from time to time in contemporary British social anthropology.One of these, which I dislike, derives from the work of Radcliffe-Brown; the other, which I admire, derives from the work of Levi-Strauss. It is important that the differences between these two approaches be properly understood, so I shall draw my illustrations in sharp contrast, all black and all white. In this harsh and exaggerated form Professor Levi-Strauss method my malice. My might well repudiate the authorship of the ideas which I am trying to convey. Hence my egotism; let the blame be wholly mine. My problem is simple.How can a modern social anthropologist, with all the work of Malinowski and Radcliffc-Brown and their successors at his elbow, embark upon generalization with any hope of arriving at a satisfying conclusion? My answer is quite simple too; it is this: By thinking of the organizational ideas that are present in any societ y as constituting a mathematical pattern. The rest of what I have to say that is simply an elaboration of this cryptic statement. concern is with generalization, not with maintained that the objective of social anthropology was the ‘comparison of social structures'.In explaining this he asserted that when we distinguish and compare different types of social structure we are doing the same kind of thing as when we distinguish different kinds of sea shell according to their structural type (RadcliffeBrown, 1953, p. 109). Generalization is quite a different kind of mental First let me emphasize my comparison. Radcliffe-Brown operation. Let me illustrate this point. two points can be joined by a straight line and you can represent this straight line mathematically by a sm^G. first order algebraic equation.Any three points can be joined by a circle and you can represent this circle by a quadratic or second order algebraic equation. It would be a generalization to go straight on fro m there and say any : Any n points in a plane can be joined by a curve which can be represented by an equation of order n-i. This would be just a guess, but it would be true, and it is a kind of truth which no amount of comparison can ever reveal. Comparison and generalization are both forms of scientific activity, but different. Comparison is a matter of butterfly collecting —of classification, of the rrangement of things according to their types and subtypes. The followers of Radcliffe-Brown are anthropological butterfly collectors and their approach to their data has certain consequences. For example, according to RadclifTe- Brown's principles we ought to think of Trobriand society : RETHINKING ANTHROPOLOGY as 3 classification a society of a particular structural type. The might proceed thus: Main Type Sub-type: Sub-sub-type : societies societies societies composed of unilineal descent groups. composed of matrilineal descent groups. composed of matrilineal descent groups i n which he married males of the matrilineage live together in one place and apart from the females of the matrilineage, and so on. In this procedure each class preceding it is a sub-type of the class immediately in the tabulation. its uses, but it has very serious has no logical limits. Ultimately discriminated in this way as a sub-type Now I every just agree that analysis of this kind has is limitations. One major defect known society can be that it from any other, and since anthropologists are notably vague about what they mean by ‘a society', this will lead them to distinguish more and more ocieties, almost ad infinitum. This is not just hypothesis. My colleague Dr Goody has gone to great pains to distinguish as types two adjacent societies in the Northern Gold Coast which he calls LoWiili and LoDagaba. A careful reader of Dr Goody's works will discover, however, that these two ‘societies' are distinct simply the way that field Dr Goody notes from two has chosen to de scribe the fact that his neighbouring communities show some curious discrepancies. If limit Dr Goody's methods of analysis were pushed to the we should be able to show that every village community throughout is he world constitutes a distinct society which distinguishable as a type from any other (Goody, 1956b). Another serious objection is that the typology makers never explain why they choose one frame of reference rather than another. RadcliffeBrovsTi's instructions were simply that ‘it is necessary to compare societies the economic system, the with reference to one particular aspect . . . political system, or the kinship system' . . . this is equivalent to saying that you can arrange your butterflies according to their colour, or their size, or the shape of their wings according to the him of the moment, but no matter what you do this will be science. Well perhaps, in a sense, it is; but you must realize that your prior arrangement creates an initial bias from which it is later extremely difficult to escape (Radcliffe-Brown, 1940, p. xii). Social anthropology is packed with frustrations of it this kind. An obvious Ever since example is the category opposition patrilineal/matrilineal. has been customary for anthropologists to distinguish unilineal from non-unilineal descent systems, and writing of the Iroquois, Morgan began among that it the former to distinguish patrilineal societies from atrilineal societies. is These categories now seem to us so rudimentary and obvious extremely difficult to break out of the straitjacket of thought which the categories themselves impose. 4 RETHINKING ANTHROPOLOGY Yet if our approach is to be genuinely unbiased we must be prepared to consider the possibihty that these type categories have no sociological significance whatsoever. It may be that to create a class labelled matrtis as irrelevant for our understanding of social structure as the creation of a class blue butterflies is irrelevant for the understanding of t he anatomical structure of lepidoptera.I don't say it is so, but it may be; it is lineal societies time that we considered the possibility. J I warn you, the rethinking of basic category assumptions can be very disconcerting. But Let me cite a case. Dr Audrey Richards's well-known contribution to African Systems of Kinship and Marriage is an essay in Radcliffe-Brownian typology making which is rightly regarded as one of the ‘musts' of undergraduate reading (Richards, 1950). In this essay Dr Richards asserts that societies is ‘the problem' of matrilineal the difficulty of combining recognition of descent through the oman with the rule of exogamous marriage, and she classifies a variety of matrilineal societies according to the way this ‘problem' is solved. In effect her classification turns on the fact that a woman's husband the two men. jointly possess rights in the woman's brother and a woman's children but that matrilineal systems differ in the way these rights a re allocated between is the prior category assumptions. Men have kinds of society, so why should it be assumed from the start that brothers-in-law in matrilineal societies have special ‘prob- What I object to in this ll brothers-in-law in lems' which are absent in patrilineal or bilateral structures? really What has lay a matrilineal society, she has decided to restrict her comparative obser-ations to matrilineal systems. Then, having selected a group of societies which have nothing in common except that they are matrilineal, she is naturally led to conclude that matrilineal descent is the major factor to which all the other items of cultural behaviour which she happened here with the Bemba, is that, because Dr Richards's own special knowledge describes are functionally adjusted.Her argument I am afraid is a tautology; her system of classification already implies the truth of what she claims to be demonstrating. This illustrates how Radcliffe-Brown's taxonomic assumptions fit in with the ethnocentric bias which I mentioned earlier. Because the typefinding social anthropologist conducts his whole argument in terms of tempted particular instances rather than of generalized patterns, he is constantly to attach exaggerated significance to those features of social organization which happen to be prominent in the societies of which he himself has first hand experience. The ase of Professor Fortes illustrates this is same point in rather a different way. His quest not so much for types as for prototypes. It so happens that the two societies of which he has made a close study have certain similarities of structural pattern for, while the Tallensi are patri- RETHINKING ANTHROPOLOGY lineal 5 and the Ashanti matrilineal, both Tallensi and Ashanti come unfiliation', usually close to having a system of double unilineal descent. Professor Fortes has devised a special concept, ‘complementary w^hich helps him to describe this double unilineal element in the Tallen si/Ashanti pattern w^hile rejecting the notion that these societies actually possess double unilineal systems (Fortes, 1953, p. 33; 1959b). It is interesting to note the circumstances which led to the development of this concept. From one point of view ‘complementary filiation' is simply an inverse form of Malinowski's notion of ‘sociological paternity' as applied in the matrilineal context of Trobriand society. But Fortes has done more than invent a new name for an old idea; he has made it the corner stone of a substantial body of theory and this theory arises logically special circumstances of his own field experience.In his earlier writings the Tallensi are often represented as having a somewhat extreme form of patrilineal ideology. Later, in contrast to from the Rattray, Fortes placed an unambiguously matrilineal label upon the Ashanti. view, is The that merit of ‘complementary it is filiation', from Fortes's point of a concept which applies equally well to bot h of these contrasted societies but does not conflict with his thesis that both the Tallensi and the Ashanti have systems of unilineal descent. The concept ecame necessary to him precisely because he had decided at the start that the more familiar and more obvious notion of double unilineal descent was inappropriate. In retrospect Fortes seems to have decided that double unilineal descent is a special development of ‘complementary filiation', the latter being a feature of all unilineal descent structures. That such category distinctions are contrived rather than natural is evident from Goody's additional discrimination. Goody asserts that the LoWiili have ‘complementary descent rather than a dual descent system'.Since the concept of ‘complementary filiation' was first introduced so as to help in the distinction between ‘filiation' and ‘descent' and since the adjective ‘complementary' cannot here be given meaning except by reference to the word â⠂¬Ëœdescent', the total argument is clearly tautologous (Fortes, 1945, pp. 134, 20of; 1950, p. 287; 1953, p. 34; 1959; Goody, 1956b, p. 77). Now I do not claim that Professor Fortes is mistaken, but I think he is misled by his prior suppositions. If making and from enthnocentric science. we are to bias we must let escape both from typology turn to a different kind ofInstead of comparison repeat. Generalization us have generalization; instead of inductive; it butterfly collecting let us have inspired guesswork. Let me is consists in perceiving it is possible general laws in the circumstances of special cases; guesswork, a gamble, you may be wrong or you may be right, but if you happen to be right you have learnt something altogether new. In contrast, arranging butterflies according to their types and sub-types is tautology. It merely reasserts something you know already in a slightly different form. 6 RETHINKING ANTHROPOLOGY But if you are going is o start guessing, you need I to kno w how to guess. . d this wliat I am getting at when say that the form of thinking should be mathematical. Functional ism in a mathematical sense is not concerned with the interconnections between parts of a whole but with the principles of operation of partial systems. There is a direct conflict here with the dogmas of Malinowski and Malinowski's functionalism required us to think of each Society (or Culture, as Malinowski would have put it) as a totality Radcliffe-Brown. of a made up kinds — number of discrete empirical ‘things', of rather diverse institutions', e. g. groups of people, customs. These ‘things' are functionally interconnected to form a delicately balanced mechanism rather like the various parts of a wrist watch. cliff†e- The functionalism of Rad- Brown was equally mechanical though the focus of interest was different. RadclifTe-Brown was concerned, as it were, to distinguish wrist watches clocks, whereas Malinowski was interested in the gener al attributes of clockwork. But hath masters took as their starting point the notion that a culture or a society is an empirical whole made up rom grandfather of a limited two societies number of readily identifiable parts and that when we compare we are concerned to see whether or not the same kinds of is parts are present in both cases. This approach a mechanic but appropriate for a zoologist or for a botanist or for it is not the approach of a mathematician nor of an engineer and, in gineer. my view, the anthropologist has much in common with the en- But that is my private bias. I was originally trained as an engineer. The entities which we call societies are not naturally existing species, neither re they man-made mechanisms. But the analogy of a mechanism has quite as much relevance as the analogy of an organism. This is not the place to discuss the history of the organic analogy as a model for Society, but its arbitrariness is often forgotten. Hobbes, who developed his notion of a social organism in a very systematic way, discusses in his preface whether a mechanical or an organic analogy might be the more appropriate for his purpose. He opts for an organism only because he wants to include in his model a metaphysical prime mover (i. . God Life Force) (Hobbes, 1957, p. 5). In contrast RadcHffe-Brown employed the organic analogy as a matter of dogma rather than of choice (e. g. Radcliffe-Brown, 1957, pp. 82-86; 1940a, pp. 3, lo) and his butterfly collecting followers have accepted the appropriateness of the phrase ‘social organism' without serious discussion. Against this complacency I — must protest. It is certainly the case that social scientists must often resort all to analogy but eternity. we are not committed to one type of model making for Our task societies s to understand and explain what goes on in society, how work. If an engineer tries to explain to you how a digital computer RETHINKING ANTHROPOLOGY bolts. 7 works he doesn't spend his time classifying different kinds of nuts and He concerns himself with principles, not with things. He writes out argument as a mathematical equation of the utmost simplicity, somewhat on the lines of o + i = i i + i = 10. No doubt this example is frivolous; such computers embody their information in a code which is transmitted in positive and negative impulses denoted by the digital symbols o and i.The essential point is that although the information which can be embodied in such codes may be enormously complex, the basic principles on which the computing machines work is very simple. Likewise I would maintain that quite simple mechanical models can have relevance for social anthropology despite the acknowledged fact that the detailed empirical facts of social life display the utmost complexity. I don't want to turn anthropology into a branch of mathematics but I believe we can learn a lot by starting to think about society in a mathehis : ; matical way.Considered mathematicall y society is not an assemblage of things but an assemblage of variables. A good analogy would be with that branch of mathematics known as topology, which may crudely be described as the geometry of elastic rubber sheeting. If I have a piece of rubber sheet and draw a series of lines on it to symbolize the functional interconnections of some set of social phenomena and I then start stretching the rubber about, I can change the manifest shape of my original geometrical figure out of all recognition and yet clearly there is a sense in which it is the same figure all the time.The constancy of pattern is not manifest as an objective empirical fact but it is there as a mathematical generalization. By analogy, generalized structural patterns in anthropology are not restricted to societies of any one manifest structural type. you will tell me that topology is one of those which mere sociologists had best avoid, but I am not in fact proposing anything original. A very good simple account of the nature of topology appears in an article under that title in the current edition of the Encyclopaedia Britannica.The author himself makes the point that because topology is a non-metrical form of mathematics it deserves especial attention from social scientists. I Now know that a lot of alarming scientific mysteries The fundamental Any closed curve is arc of a circle is ‘the variable in topology ‘the is the degree of connectedness. same as' any other regardless of its shape; the same as' a straight line because each is open ended. Contrariwise, a closed curve has a greater degree of connectedness than an arc. If of pattern case if we apply these ideas to sociology particular relationships e cease to be interested in and concern ourselves instead with the regularities relationships. is among neighbouring In the simplest possible there be a relationship p which intimately associated with another relationship q then in a topological study we shall not concern ourselves 8 RETHINKING ANTHROPOLOGY with the particular characteristics of/) and q but with their mutual characteristics, i. e. with the algebraic ratio p'^q. But it must be understood that the relationships and sets of relationships which are symbolized in this way cannot properly be given specific numerical values.The reader should bear this point in mind when he encounters the specimens of pseudo-mathematics which occur later in this paper. All propositions in topology can also be expressed as propositions in symbolic logic (see Carnap, 1958, chapter G) and it was probably a consideration of this fact which led Nadel to introduce symbolic logic into own view is that while the consideration book (Xadel, 1957). of mathematical and logical models may help the anthropologist to order his last My his theoretical arguments in an all this intelligent way, his actual procedure s should be non-mathematical. The pattern relevance of to my main theme that the saTne structural may turn up in any kind of society patrilineal —a mathematical approach matrilineal makes no prior assumption that from non-unilineal systems or structures. all unilincal systems are basically different structures from the contrary, the principle of parity leads us to discount rigid category distinctions of this kind. On Let me try to illustrate I for the occasion shall take my point with an example. To be my example from Malinowski. Malinowski reported, as a ppropriate Most of you will know that fact of empirical ethnography, that the Trobrianders profess ignorance of the connection between copulation and pregnancy and that this ignorance serves as a rational justification for their system of matrilineal descent. From the Trobriand point of view ‘my father' (tama) is not a blood relative at all but a kind of affine, *my mother's husband' (Malinowski, 1932a, p. 5). However, alongside their dogmatic ignorance of the facts of life, Trobrianders also maintain that every child should resemble its mother's husband (i. . its father) but that no child could ever resemble a member of its own matrilineal kin. Malinowski seems to have thought it paradoxical that Trobrianders should hold both these doctrines at the same time. He was apparently bemused by the same kind of ethnocentric assumptions as later led a Tallensi informant to tell Professor Fortes that ‘both parents transmit their blood to their offspring, as can be seen from the fact that Tallensi children may resemble either parent in looks' (Fortes, 1949, p. 35; my italics). This is mixing up sociology and genetics.We know, and apparently the Tallensi assume, that physical appearance is genetically based, but there is no reason why primitive people in general should associate ideas of genetic inheritance with ideas about physical resemblance between persons. The explanation which the Trobrianders gave to Malinowski was that a father impresses his appearance on his son by cohabiting repeatedly with the mother and ther eby ‘moulding' (kuli) the child in her womb (Malinowski, 1932a, p. 176) which is reminiscent of the Ashanti . RETHINKING ANTHROPOLOGY view that the father shapes the body of his child as might a potter (Rattray, 1929, p. 9). This Trobriand theory is quite consistent with the view that the father is related to the son only as mother's husband that is, an affine and not as a kinsman. There are other Trobriand doctrines which fall into line with this. The father's sister is ‘the prototype of the lawful woman' (Malinowski, 1932a, p. 450) which seems to be more or less the equivalent of saying that — the father (tama) is much the same sort of relation as a brother-in-law.Again, although, as Powell has shown (Powell, 1956, p. 314), marriage with the father's sister's daughter is rare, the Trobrianders constantly assured Malinowski that this was a very right and proper marriage. Evidently in their view the category tama (which includes both father and father's sister's s on) is very close to that of lubou (brother-in-law) (Mal- inowski, 1932a, pp. 86, 451). The similarity is asserted not only in verbal expression but also in the pattern of economic obligation, for the harvest gift (urignbu) paid by a married man is due both to his mother's husband tama) and to his sister's husband (lubou) (Malinowski, 1935, I, pp. 386, 413-18). From my point of view this cluster of Trobriand beliefs and attitudes is a ‘pattern of organizational ideas'— it specifies a series of categories, in a particular relationship and places them with one another as in an was biased by his down to earth empiricism, by European prejudices and by his interest in psycho-analysis, and he refused to accept tlie Trobriand doctrine at its face value. Instead he refurbished his concept of ‘sociological paternity' which he had originalgebraic equation.But Malinowski ally devised to fit a quite different context, that of patrilineal organization among On to the Australia n Aborigines (Malinowski, 19 13, p. 170-83). this earlier occasion Malinowski had used ‘sociological paternity' relations show how between parents and children and between spouses derive from customary rules and not from any universal facts of biology or psychology, but in the later application of these ideas to Trobriand circumstances he shifts his ground and the argument becomes confused by the introduction of naive psychological considerations. On the face of t ‘sociological paternity', as used in The Sexual Life of attitudes Savages, seems to mean that even in a society which, like the Trobriands, sociological still denies the facts of ‘biological paternity', pertain to paternity, as zve understand it, which far, may be found. So so good. But Malinowski goes further than this. Instead of arguing, as in the Australian case, that kinship attitudes have a purely social origin, he now insists that social attitudes to kinship arc facts. rooted in universal psycholog ical The paternal relationship contains elements which are necessarily resent in the father/child relationship of all societies, no matter what the circumstances of custom and social structure confusing. may be. This is all very On the one hand the reader is is told quite plainly that the Trobriand child taught to think of his father as a non-relative, as an lO RETHINKING ANTHROPOLOGY individual with the special non-kinship status of mother's husband. But on the other hand the reader is forced to conclude that this ‘IVobriand mother's husband is related to the mother's child ‘as a sociological father', that is to say by ties of kinship as well as by tics of affinity.The argument, as a whole, is self-contradictory. is You may about. well think that this a yery hairsplitting point to make a fuss How can it possibly make any difference whether I think of a parti- cular male as my father or as is my mother's husband? Well, all I can say that anthropologists do Professor Fort es, Dr Goody and Dr Kathleen Gough on this subject that worry about such things. are so disturbed by my heretical yiews oflF time to try to bruise my owski's argument (Fortes, 1959)-

Cloud Computing Now and the Future Essay

The use of cloud computing creates a growing interdependence among both public and private sector entities and the individuals served by these entities. This paper provides a snapshot of the advantages of cloud computing and the risk areas specific to cloud services which clients of cloud services should be aware of. The future of cloud computing is certainly exciting, but moving more of our lives online means we will inevitably have to consider the consequences. Cloud computing means dependence on others and that could limit our privacy because of policies to access our information, security could be a big issue and large companies like Amazon and Google could monopolize the market. The cloud is a metaphor for the space on the internet that can store your data, as well as applications to manipulate data. It is not clear when the term cloud computing was first coined. For example, Bartholomew (2009), Bogatin (2006) and several others suggested that ‘cloud computing’ term inology was perhaps first coined by Google Chief Executive Eric Schmidt in 2006. Kaufman (2009: 61) suggests that cloud computing terminology ‘originates from the telecommunications world of the 1990s, when providers began using virtual private network (VPN) services for data communication’. There is however, agreement on the definition of cloud computing. The National Institute of Standards and Technology defines cloud computing as a model for enabling convenient, on-demand network access to a shared pool of configurable computing resources (e.g. networks, servers, storage, applications, and services) that can be rapidly provisioned and released with minimal management effort or service provider interaction (Mell 2009: 9). A computer’s operating system, data and applications are typically installed and stored in the ‘traditional’ computer environment. In a cloud computing environment, individuals and businesses work with applications and data stored and/or maintained on shared machines in a web-based environment rather than physically located in the home of a user or a corporate environment. Lew Tucker, Vice President and Chief Technology Officer of Cloud Computing at Sun Microsystems, explained that cloud computing is ‘the movement of application services onto the internet and the increased use of the internet to access a wide variety of services traditionally originating from within a company’s data center’ (Creeger 2009: 52). For example, web-based applications such as Google’s Gmailâ„ ¢ can be accessed in real time from an Internet-connected machine anywhere in the world. Cloud computing provides an online environment that is scalable which facilitates the ability to handle an increased volume of work without impacting on the performance of the system. The Cloud also offers significant computing capability and economy of scale that might not otherwise be affordable to businesses, especially small and medium size companies that may not have the financial and human resources to invest in IT infrastructure. Advantages include capital costs and running costs. Companies can leverage the use of large scale resources from cloud service providers and ‘add or remove capacity from their IT infrastructure to meet peak or fluctuating service demands while paying only for the actual capacity used’ (Sotomayor et. Al. 2009: 14) on a ‘pay-as-you-go’ economic model. It can also be significantly cheaper to rent added server space for a few hours at a time rather than maintain your own servers. Rental prices for Amazon Elastic Compute Cloud (EC2), for example, are between US$0.020 and $2.970 per hour in Oregon as an example. Pay only for what you use. There is no minimum fee. On-Demand Instances let you pay for compute capacity by the hour with no long-term commitments. As you can see in the above example the selected usage is 100 hours per month of On-Demand Instances, 10 reserved instances and 1000 GB of storage for 50 IOPS and 100 Snapshot storages. The monthly cost for this company would be $1449.41 per month. This could be much more cost affective for a company than buying the hardware and storing the information themselves. The only question is, how safe is this information that is being stored? The risk of cloud computing could be the security of the information being stored by a large company like Amazon. It is still unclear how safe out-sourced data is and when using these services ownership of data is not always clear. In a study done in 2009, a team of computer scientists from the University of California, San Diego and Massachusetts Institute of Technology examined the widely-used Amazon EC2 services. They found that ‘it is possible to map the internal cloud infrastructure, identify where a particular target VM is likely to reside, and then instantiate new VMs until one is placed co-resident with the target’ (Ristenpart et al. 2009: 199). This demonstrated that the research team was able to load their eavesdropping software onto the same servers hosting targeted websites (Hardesty 2009). By identifying the target VMs, attackers can potentially monitor the cache (a small allotment of high-speed memory used to store frequently-used information) in order to steal data hosted on the same physical machine (Hardesty 2009). Such an attack is also known as side-channel attack. The findings of this research may only be a proof-of-concept at this stage, but it raises concerns about the possibility of cloud computing servers being a central point of vulnerability that can be criminally exploited. The cloud service providers establish the privacy policies to the companies that do business with them. The businesses are faced with their own privacy and confidentiality being determined by the terms of the cloud service providers. Failure to comply with data protection legislation may lead to administrative, civil and criminal sanctions. Data confidentiality and privacy ‘risks may be magnified when the cloud provider has reserved the right to change its terms at will’ (Gellman 2009: 6). Some cloud service providers argue that such juridical issues may be capable of resolution contractually via SLAs (Service Level Agreements) and the like. Clients using cloud services could include clauses in their SLAs that indicate the law governing the SLA, the choice of the competent court in case of disputes arising from the interpretation and the execution of the contract. The Cloud Security Alliance (2009: 28) also suggested that clients of cloud services should require their providers ‘to deliver a comprehensive list of the regulations and statutes that govern the site and associated services and how compliance with these items is executed’. Businesses should ensure that SLAs and other legally-binding contractual arrangements with cloud service providers comply with the applicable regulatory obligations (eg privacy laws) and industry standards, as the may be liable for breaching these regulations even when the data being breached is held or processed by the cloud service provider. Determining the law of the jurisdiction in which the SLA is held is an important issue. It may not, however, be as simple as examining the contractual laws that govern the operations of cloud service providers to determine which jurisdiction’s laws apply in any particular case. Gellman (2009: 19) pointed out that ‘[t]he user may be unaware of the existence of a second-degree provider or the actual location of the user’s data†¦[and] it may be impossible for a casual user to know in advance or with certainty which jurisdiction’s law actually applies to information entrusted to a cloud provider’. Businesses should continue to conduct due diligence on cloud service providers, have a comprehensive compliance framework and ensure that protocols are in place to continuously monitor and manage cloud service providers, offshore vendors and their associated outsourcing relationships. This would ensure businesses have a detailed understanding of the data storage information to maintain some degree of oversight and ensure that an acceptable authentication and access mechanism is in place to meet their privacy and confidentiality needs. This would also ensure a higher consumer confidence level in the entire cloud computing industry. The future looks bright for cloud computing. Last summer Google made a very large investment in bringing Google Fiber to Kansas City, broadband internet that is 100 times faster than what we currently have today. Faster internet speeds means larger files can be stored and downloaded from the cloud. Netflix says, ‘It’s the most consistently fast ISP in America.’ Analysts from BTIG Research visited Kansas City last month and were â€Å"blown away,† by the service (Jeff Saginor 2012: 1). But at it’s heart, ‘Google’s attempt at being its own ISP is much more about forcing the entrenched service providers –the Verizon’s and Time Warner’s and AT&T’s of this world – to step up their games than it is about making this particular business a raving financial success’. Saginor goes on to say, ‘When I asked the Google spokeswoman what the ultimate goal of all this was, she replied that Google wants â€Å"to make the web better and faster for all users.† The implication is that they don’t want to just do it all themselves’. Cloud computing means dependence on others and that could limit our privacy because of policies to access our information, security could be a big issue an d large companies like Amazon and Google could monopolize the market. The Cloud provides an online environment that is scalable which facilitates the ability to handle an increased volume of work without impacting on the performance of the system. The risk of the cloud could be the security of the information being stored by a large company. It is still unclear how safe out-sourced data is and when using these services ownership of data is not always clear. Businesses should continue to conduct due diligence on cloud service providers, have a comprehensive compliance framework and ensure that protocols are in place to continuously monitor and manage cloud service providers, offshore vendors and their associated outsourcing relationships. The future of cloud computing is certainly exciting, but moving more of our lives online means we will inevitably have to consider privacy, security and ownership of the information. References Amazon Web Services http://aws.amazon.com/ec2/pricing/ Creeger M 2009. CTO roundtable: Cloud computing. Communications of the ACM 52(8): Bartholomew D 2009. Cloud rains opportunities for software developers. Dice 29 May. http://career-resources.dice.com/articles/content/entry/cloud_rains_opportunities_for_software Bogatin D 2006. Google CEO’s new paradigm: ‘Cloud computing and advertising go hand-inhand’ Zdnet 23 April. http://www.zdnet.com/blog/micro-markets/google-ceos-new-paradigmcloud-computing-and-advertising-go-hand-inhand/ Cloud Security Alliance 2009. Security guidance for critical areas of focus in cloud computing V2.1. http://www.cloudsecurityalliance.org/csaguide.pdf Gellman R 2009. Privacy in the clouds: Risks to privacy and confidentiality from cloud computing. http://www.worldprivacyforum.org/pdf/WPF_Cloud_Privacy_Report.pdf Hardesty L 2009. Secure computers aren’t so secure MIT press release 30 October. http://www.physorg.com/news176197396.html Jeff Saginor 2012. What does Google get from supercharging Kansas City’s Internet? http://www.digitaltrends.com/opinion-wh-google-will-never-take-its-fiber-national/ Kaufman LM 2009. Data security in the world of cloud computing. IEEE Security & Privacy July/August: 61-64 Mell P 2009. Effectively and securely using the cloud computing paradigm. http://csrc.nist.gov/groups/SNS/cloud-computing/cloudcomputing- Ristenpart T, Tromer E, Shacham H & Savage S 2009. Hey, you, get off my cloud: Exploring information leakage in third-party compute clouds, in proceedings of the 16th ACM conference on Computer and communications security, 07. New Your, NY: ACM Press: 199-212 Sotomayor B, Montero RS, Llorente IM & Foster I 2009. Virtual infrastructure management in private and hybrid clouds. IEEE Internet Computing 13(5): 14-22 Mark D. Bowles (2010). Introduction to Computer Literacy. Retrieved from chapter’s six and seven. (Awl, 2009, p. 52)

Parent Mental Illness Professor Ramos Blog

Parent Mental Illness Presentation1

11 Crucial Skills To Learn Before You Turn 25

11 Crucial Skills To Learn Before You Turn 25 You’re 24 and freaking out. On the one hand, you’re still so young and most of your adult life is before you, pristine and for the taking. On the other, you’re nearly 25. Avoid the impending quarter life crisis by helping yourself prepare. It is possible to feel like an adult at 24, and set yourself up for great success in your life and career. Lay down this good foundation now- while you still have a chance. Here are 11 skills every 24-year-old should master on the start of a long career path.1. Sell YourselfEven if you aren’t working in sales and never want to! So much of business success boils down to sales of one kind or another. Remember that you will have to present yourself as an asset and hot commodity many times in your career; what is anything but another sales pitch? Once you realize where (and how often) sales come into play, you can work that to your advantage and start to really pull ahead of the pack.2. Expand Your HorizonsYour comfort zone is only going to hold you back- in life and work. Spread your wings a little into your personal danger zone. Eat something you would never think to try. Travel to a place you wouldn’t ordinarily choose for vacation. Get experience in a job or neighborhood that doesn’t match your upbringing. Broaden your horizons. Try new things. Start risky ventures. Take on a challenging project. This is the time for all this learning. You’ll get a better perspective on the world, the people in it, and yourself.3. Get a Party TrickFigure out one thing that you are good at- or would like to be. And don’t just get good at it. Get really good at it. If it’s your job, so much the better. But if it’s a hobby, you never know; that could turn into a back-up plan someday.4. Make Networking MatterIt’s not just a matter of how many contacts you have, but how many of those contacts would be willing to go to bat for you. Don’t just meet people, prove your value to them. That way you’ll have a network of advocates, not just a network of profile links on social media.5. Learn CodingEven if you don’t see yourself as a computer person. Coding has become as common as reading and writing as far as skills go in the new economy. Learn it while you’re young and thank yourself later.6. Fall in LoveThere’s no right time in life for love. In fact, it’s better to experience true love and real relationships early. It will save you lots of heartache and loneliness in the future. Even if you don’t want to settle down young†¦ a bit of real love is worth a go.7. MeditateThere’s a reason for the recent spike in meditation and wellness and mindfulness apps. In our mad age of constantly being wired in to each other and the market, etc., it’s important to learn how to soothe and center yourself. Building a meditation practice young can really make a substantial difference in the rest of your li fe. Plus, some experts suggest that 20 minutes of meditation is almost as good as a full 2 hours of sleep.8. TravelSee the world. Create a passion for getting to know new and foreign places. Experience the world with compassion and excitement. Think how lucky you are, how you can help. What you can see and do.9. Invest your Leisure TimeInstead of that one extra episode of Scandal, try spending the time you have on your own development. Take a seminar, volunteer, learn a dance, read a book, exercise. Spend a good portion of your free time on personal improvement and development. You’ll thank you later.10. Quit WorryingWorrying changes nothing. Concentrate on finding solutions to problems when solutions are possible. And try to let go of the rest. Do your part, and do it well, then try to be Zen about outcomes you cannot control. Take care of yourself. Feed your body and your brain. This is much more productive than clamming up and freaking out.11. Save Your CashSeriously. Star t saving money. That one extra trendy outfit or night out at the club will not be worth it in the long run, when that money could be put to better use. Remember that compound interest can make you a millionaire in twenty years. Put away a small, but consistent amount of money every month. And never touch it. You’re welcome.

Analysis of competitiveness of Chinese textile in EU market Essay

Analysis of competitiveness of Chinese textile in EU market - Essay Example The paper tells about the entry of China in the world market since 2005, with the quota-benefits is instrumental in her rising position as an important player in the world market with cutting edge of competitiveness and higher standards. Clark observes in his study of international competitiveness the need for the management and organization to work in harmony. â€Å"Management and organization is the focal point of Clark’s study. It is the force of international competitiveness that creates incentive for change. A government can create temporary incentives but can do little to get domestic firms optimize their objective functions in the long run†. The study conducted by Caves indicates that producers behaviour and resource allocation are altered by trade changes, rate of adjustment of the structure of the manufacturing. Industries to import competition and the amount of the sunk capital are highly correlated, marketing opportunity at a global scale enhances the plant-s cale economies, and the product differentiation changes the effect of import competition.Collis advocates a different approach saying â€Å"that an appropriate industrial policy corrects market imperfections and creates congenial environment for successful business. To adopt suitable industrial policy, it is essential to clearly define industry’s role, understand company’s strategies in the light of shifting comparative advantage and the changing structure of the global industries, identify market failures and implement coherent policies to minimize the pitfalls.†